RIC’s newest periodic report, appearing once every quarter, tracks human rights violations and crimes by Turkey and Turkish-backed SNA groups in the occupied regions of Afrin and the ‘M4 Strip’ – the border region between the occupied cities of Sere Kaniye and Tel Abyad. The RIC team:
Adiabene refers to an old pre-Islamic Kurdish[1] Kingdom which was southeastern neighbor of Corduene. The Kingdom, first occupied the area between Upper and Lower Zab (= Great and Little Zab), later also the regions, which were mainly bordering on the north. Its capital and most significant city was Arbil.
Hifzullah Kutum (@hifzullah_kutum) tweeting celebrating – September 14, 2021
Link to Twitter hashtag #StandwiththeKurds
Link to Twitter hashtag #NoFlyZone4Rojava
Date filter:
https://twitter.com/search?q=%23NoFlyZone4Rojava%20until%3A2018-03-11
Turkish-occupied Afrin. Member of the local Turkish-backed city council attacks a 65 year-old civilian on the street.
On 24 April 2021 Turkey launched another military invasion in northern Iraq, an area controlled by Kurds. The invasion, which is apparently still in progress, is reported to involve chemical attacks. The use of chemical weapons is a war crime and a breach of international law. Chemical weapons qualify as weapons of mass destruction.
According to international media reports, the invasion and the chemical attacks have forced Kurdish civilians to flee their villages. There is also a risk that civilians could be injured or killed. These attacks breach international law and bring to mind Turkey’s invasion of northern Syria, which led to an occupation.
Iraq had not given Turkey authorisation for its troops to enter the country. Iraq’s foreign minister, Fuad Hussein, has said that Turkish forces entered the country illegally, in violation of Iraq’s sovereignty.
In the light of the foregoing, I should like to ask the European External Action Service (EEAS) the following questions:
1. Is the EEAS aware of these reports?
2. Is the EEAS intending to condemn Turkey’s military invasion of northern Iraq and use of chemical weapons, and will the EEAS be taking further action against Turkey bilaterally and within the EU?
3. How is the EEAS intending to counter Turkey’s attack on Kurdish parts of Iraq?
As members, friends, and observers of the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance, we note with grave concern that seven years since ISIS/Daesh began its campaign against the Yezidis, thousands of Yezidi women and children remain missing.
The 2014 attacks on Sinjar and the Ninevah Plains displaced thousands of people from their homes. ISIS/Daesh abducted thousands of others, forcing boys to become child soldiers and selling women and children into sexual slavery. The number of people they killed remains unknown, and discoveries of mass graves continue.
Jailed and Wanted Journalists in Turkey- Updated List
This report documents the arrests of 21 persons, one of whom died under torture, in Ras al-Ayn/Serê Kaniyê and Tal Abyad, as well as the arrest of 31 people, including women and children, in Afrin
Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Turkey: The Alevi faith, principles, beliefs, rituals and practices (1995-2005), 7 April 2005, TUR43515.E, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/42df61b320.html [accessed 2 October 2021]
Sheikh Mahmud Barzanji was born in 1878 in Sulayimaniyah, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. During the British occupation of Iraq following the First World War, Sheikh Mahmud was appointed governor of Sulaymaniyah. The Kurds, however, were afraid of Britain ruling them indirectly by Arabs in Baghdad, and Sheikh Mahmud used his position to promote Kurdish independence and rebelled against the British in 1920. The uprising ended when Sheikh Mahmud was injured and he was arrested and sent to India. Britain took direct control over the Kurdish region after the rebellion, which became hostile for Britain. Turkish threats had Britain worried about the security of the north and in an effort to stabilize the region, they brought Sheikh Mahmud back to rule Kurdistan region. Sheikh Mahmud declared himself the king of Kurdistan, rejecting Britain’s Anglo-Iraqi arrangement. In 1923, Britain withdrew the offer of an independent Kurdish state and any say in Iraqi government. Sheikh Mahmud was king until 1924, when he was once again arrested and exiled, this time to Baghdad. He died October 9, 1956, remembered by Kurds as a leader to who resisted the British Mandate in Iraq.
C On May 10, 1994, a Jandarma non-commissioned officer threw three suspected PKK guerrillas to their deaths from a helicopter flying near the town of Kulp, located in Diyarbak2r province. The guerrillas had been captured, interrogated and tortured. A fourth prisoner who witnessed the incident said he survived by promising to provide his captors with crucial information. (Case 8).
New video from ultra-racist Turkish nationalist group Ataman Kardeşliği in which a member beats a Syrian refugee with a stick.
Video warns refugees to “leave our country, or we’ll bury you in it,” then calls on the youth of Turkey to “shed the blood of ethnic occupiers.”
THE materials collected in the ensuing pages are the results of about 7,500 miles
of riding and innumerable conversations with policemen, nluleteers, mullahs,
chieftains, sheep drovers, horse dealers, carriers and other people capable of giving
one first hand information. The results I fear are extreinely meagre, but I hope
they may prove of use to future travellers.
As hardly anything has been written on the subject in the English language
heretofore, I have not been able to make a study of the Kurds from a bibliographical point of view. However, I trust that this will not detract from the
interest of the work. I may add that I had among my servants on my last journey
representatives from the three most important sections of the Kurds, so that I was
able to obtain interpreters without any great difficulty, a matter of some importance
amidst the conflicting dialects of the nomads and sedentary mountaineers.
In preparing the following list of the various tribes of the Kurdish race I have
endeavoured to simplify the work of future students by marking down and
cataloguing as many of the tribes as have come either directly or indirectly under
my notice.
After various abortive attempts at setting them down in a manner comprehensible to any one but myself, I have decided for the purposes of this work to
break up the regions inhabited by Kurds into six zones; to each of these zones a
section of the catalogue is devoted, each section containing a separate enumeration.
Thus in the alphabetical list a tribe will be found, as for instance the Merzigi 76B,
section A. To find the position of the tribe the reader must look in zone A on
the map for the number 76; he will find this number is connected to a chain of
letters; the letter B in this chain will mark the spot where this tribe is to be found,
in the catalogue he will find such particulars as I can supply under the number 76B
in the printed section A.
Before closing this preface may I say that the zones marked on the map are
not ethnological but merely a convenient form of grouping
This edited volume, comprising chapters by leading academics and experts, aims to clarify the complexity of Turkey’s Kurdish question. The Kurdish question is a long-standing, protracted issue, which gained regional and international significance largely in the last thirty years. The Kurdish people who represent the largest ethnic minority in the Middle East without a state have demanded autonomy and recognition since the post-World I wave of self-governance in the region, and their nationalist claims have further intensified since the end of the Cold War. The present volume first describes the evolution of Kurdish nationalism, its genesis during the late nineteenth century in the Ottoman Empire, and its legacy into the new Turkish republic. Second, the volume takes up the violent legacy of Kurdish nationalism and analyzes the conflict through the actions of the PKK, the militant pro-Kurdish organization which grew to be the most important actor in the process. Third, the volume deals with the international dimensions of the Kurdish question, as manifested in Turkey’s evolving relationships with Syria, Iraq, and Iran, the issue regarding the status of the Kurdish minorities in these countries, and the debate over the Kurdish problem in Western capitals.
Originally published in Paris in 1925 under the title La nuit Kurde. From the publisher’s archive.
DESCRIPTION
Octavo. Original black cloth, spine lettered in green. With dust jacket.
CONDITION
A superb copy in the slightly ragged jacket.
Anatomy of a Civil War demonstrates the destructive nature of war, ranging from the physical to the psychosocial, as well as war’s detrimental effects on the environment. Despite such horrific aspects, evidence suggests that civil war is likely to generate multilayered outcomes. To examine the transformative aspects of civil war, Mehmet Gurses draws on an original survey conducted in Turkey, where a Kurdish armed group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has been waging an intermittent insurgency for Kurdish self-rule since 1984. Findings from a probability sample of 2,100 individuals randomly selected from three major Kurdish-populated provinces in the eastern part of Turkey, coupled with insights from face-to-face in-depth interviews with dozens of individuals affected by violence, provide evidence for the multifaceted nature of exposure to violence during civil war. Just as the destructive nature of war manifests itself in various forms and shapes, wartime experiences can engender positive attitudes toward women, create a culture of political activism, and develop secular values at the individual level. In addition, wartime experiences seem to robustly predict greater support for political activism. Nonetheless, changes in gender relations and the rise of a secular political culture appear to be primarily shaped by wartime experiences interacting with insurgent ideology.
